The social-justice march through the institutions
From rainbow-coloured police cars to decolonising universities, major institutions in society seem to be at the forefront of the culture wars. While some insist that such institutions have a major role to play in shaping public opinion and leading the conversation around equality, others suggest that such institutions should strive for neutrality.
What most agree on, however, is that such institutions are now more eager to engage in political and moral questions. For example, there was controversy when it was reported that organisations such as Ofcom, the BBC and many universities were paying Stonewall to help develop what many saw as hugely controversial policies on LGBT issues. For many, the furore revealed the new role institutions are playing in the culture wars.
Indeed, more and more institutions seem to be caught in ‘culture war’ style confrontations. Museums and art galleries have for some time focused on representing diversity and ‘decentring whiteness’ rather than simply displaying collections of artefacts and classic paintings. Likewise, in the wake of 2020’s Black Lives Matter protests, the UK’s National Trust recently announced it would be reviewing its collections to address issues of colonialism and slavery. Various NHS trusts have faced criticism for removing the terms ‘women’ or ‘mothers’ from literature about pregnancy. Children’s favourite Fireman Sam was dropped as a mascot by one fire service for fears he suggested women could not be firefighters. Even the armed forces have felt the need to address ‘toxic masculinity’ and initiate reviews ‘gender-based’ rank names.
The reasons for this change are fiercely debated. Some see a quasi-conspiratorial effort on behalf of left-leaning activists to work their way into such institutions, reshaping them from the inside and using them as vehicles for social change. Others simply see a new generation, more interested in social-justice issues, more ready to challenge prejudice in their workplaces and more determined to rectify historical oppression. Several commentators, furthermore, point to a particular change in emphasis and the reorientation of politics from traditional political questions to questions about culture, from issues of the law to issues of representation.
Some insist that the new social-justice turn in institutions is doomed to fail, as the patrons, members and visitors these institutions rely on will simply take their support elsewhere, summed up in the warning ‘go woke, go broke’. In the case of the National Trust, the announcement caused anger among members who believed the Trust’s role was to conserve old buildings not lecture visitors. The Trust’s chairman resigned in response. Some suggest the institutions are in an impossible position, caught between seeking the approval of the social-justice advocates who make up their staff, and avoiding alienating their audience and supporters. Others suggest that the institutions are set to become even more oriented around social justice, as the culture wars intensify and the traditional role of institutions is increasingly called into question.
How are we to assess the ‘woke’ turn that major institutions are said to have taken? Does it represent the culmination of a ‘long march through the institutions’ by left-leaning activists? What are the implications when major institutions invite politically driven organisations such as Stonewall to author their policies? Are institutions playing a driving role in the culture wars, or simply changing with the times?






